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Ball was born to Edward and Rose Marie Ball, a physicist and a teacher, respectively. The name Krystal came from her father, a physicist who did his dissertation on crystals.

She also attended Clemson University for a year where she participated on the swim team. She is a business owner and previously was a certified public accountant prior to her license expiring in House of Representatives and was defeated by Republican incumbent Rob Wittman.

Despite being defeated by a margin of During the campaign, Ball supported education reform, including charter schools , using technology, alternative certification of teachers, and paying teachers six figure salaries.

According to McClatchy, PACs where the founders of the committee earn vastly more than is given in contributions to individual candidates are referred to as "Scam PACs".

It replaced the Dylan Ratigan show in , where Ball had been a regular guest on a panel of political pundits. Roosevelt and advocating a more economically interventionist agenda than it has done in recent decades.

Ball is married to Jonathan Dariyanani, and they have three children: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Not to be confused with Crystal Ball. Retrieved 26 April Archived from the original on October 17, Retrieved August 29, Retrieved April 27, Archived from the original on January 9, Retrieved January 9, Retrieved November 7, Archived from the original on January 23, Retrieved April 29, Table 1 shows the number of unopposed contests for both parties in each election since In general, the party with the most momentum going into the election period had the largest number of unopposed contests, as one would expect.

This relationship was greatly exaggerated in The Republicans only had three unopposed contests this year, while the Democrats had about the same number as previously: The number of unopposed Democrats has been going down as the Republicans first became competitive in the previously one-party Democratic South and then became dominant there.

The number of unopposed Republicans has been going up over time mainly as a result of those same changes in the South. Table 2 shows the correlation, slope, and bias figures for the entire period and for each recent redistricting cycle.

Figure 1 shows a scatterplot of this relationship during the entire period from to , and Figure 2 shows the relationship during the to period.

The Pearson correlations indicate that the allocation of seats is consistently related to the votes cast. For this entire period, the swing ratio has been appropriately at or above 1.

Over the entire period, the system has had little partisan bias — a Republican advantage of only 0. However, in the s and s, the Democrats had a sizable advantage, while in more recent elections this advantage has shifted from a very slight Democratic bias in the 90s to a Republican advantage starting in Thus, the overall fairness statistics disguise substantial variation over several different redistricting cycles.

The elections show an enlargement of this Republican bias. If the vote were evenly split, the Democrats would get only This pretty well describes what has been happening during this decade.

In , the Democratic percentage of the adjusted votes declined to In , the Democrats did slightly better with In , however, the Democratic candidates received I counted the still-undecided seat in North Carolina as going to the Republicans and included the preliminary vote for that office.

Some mid-decade redistricting especially in Virginia and Pennsylvania seems not to have affected the overall pattern for the current cycle.

Using the regression equation for the cycles, the Democrats in should have received So the Democrats did four seats better than expected. The more recent Republican advantage may be due, in part, to the requirements of the Voting Rights Act VRA to create majority-minority districts, thus artificially packing the most reliable Democratic voters in a few districts.

The high point of this requirement, however, was in the 90s, when there was almost no partisan bias. Thus, the VRA is not inconsistent with unbiased redistricting or even a pattern that has a small Democratic bias.

To some extent, the bias may derive from the way in which Democratic and Republican voters are concentrated geographically, and not with the implementation of the Voting Rights Act per se.

It is clear, however, that one cause of the current bias must be gerrymandering in several large states by Republican state legislatures and governors in the redistricting cycle following the census.

Noah Rudnick , Guest Columnist January 31st, Running a political campaign, even for a House seat, can take a lot of money.

This is especially true if the district happens to be competitive, and this cycle saw extremely high spending and engaged donors, especially on the Democratic side.

Figure 1 shows how much House campaigns spent on their races for all the cycles this decade The number plotted on the y-axis is the total spent by a single candidate in a race during all of the campaign, not the cost of the race as a whole.

This excludes third-party spending or any money coming from outside groups that went into a race. This is then broken out by the final margin in that race, so that the spending looks at competitiveness.

After that, the amount put into running a campaign continues to decrease, with more of the higher spending being during a primary.

This is still the commitment it takes and provides a good baseline for the health of a campaign along the way. For the first time, we have a compiled dataset of all campaign spending to examine just how abnormal the cash spent in was compared to other cycles this decade.

Figure 2 below plots out the last four cycles and the median cash spent in each race by category for competitive races, or races that were ultimately decided by less than 10 percentage points.

The categories are, from left to right: Republican and Democratic incumbents; the Republican and Democratic challengers to those incumbents; and Republicans and then Democrats running in open seats.

Here you can see is a huge outlier in two main categories: Democratic challengers and Democratic open seats. A lot of this gap is accounted for by the Republican reliance on large donors as opposed to small donors.

The median Democratic candidate in these competitive open seats actually spent more money than the median Republican incumbent in similarly competitive seats, a huge advantage.

When looking at where that money came from, I decided to look at the spending split by gender, shown below in Figure 3. The labels on each have first the median amount of cash spent and then the number of instances for each category.

First, even if the difference was only a couple hundred thousand dollars, female candidates from both parties spent more than their male counterparts.

Both spent in record numbers where Democrats were challenging incumbents, but open seats tell another story. It stands to reason that being a woman may have held an advantage in cash spent, and possibly in election performance as well because of it.

An analysis from the Center for Public Integrity written by Carrie Levine and Sarah Kleiner looked at how women made up a larger share of donors to Democratic donation aggregate site ActBlue, and women donors gave more to women candidates.

The last feature to explore is a variable that I have previously expressed skepticism towards: In Figure 4, I try to see if this holds with regards to the ability to spend money and accumulate a bigger warchest.

On the x-axis, I have taken the number of terms an incumbent has served. There were not enough data points by year after five terms but considering that this covers close to a decade, I hope for it to be sufficient.

On the y-axis is the amount of cash spent by that campaign in total, and this includes all races that ended up being decided by less than 10 points.

Because was such an outlier, I broke out the data by year, so everything will be relatively lined up. What we would expect to see if an entrenchment advantage existed is a positive line for at least most of the years, signifying that the longer an incumbent had been in office, the more they could spend in a competitive race.

This is however not the case, as the trend for every year but has a negative slope, though only in yellow has a p-value under.

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